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Directions for questions 40 to 42: The passage given below is followed by a set of three questions. Choose the most appropriate answer to each question.
Germany’s impressive flexibility is the consequence of old virtues combined with new ones. The old consensus- building management system helped employers keep unions on side when costs needed to be held down. The famous Mittelstand (small and medium-sized firms, often family-owned) went through its operations, step by step, judging what to do in Germany, what to send abroad and what to outsource.
At the same time, economic policy took a new, liberalising, direction. The Schroder government introduced reforms to the labour market and welfare systems in 2003-04; spurred on by those, and by competitive pressures from Europe’s single currency, German business ruthlessly held down real wages. Unit labour costs fell by an annual average of 1.4% in 2000-08 in Germany, compared with a decline of 0.7% in America and rises of 0.8% and 0.9% in France and Britain respectively. Although last year’s recession hit Germany hard, its economy is in much better shape now than it was a decade ago—a point that should be noted in France, where President Nicolas Sarkozy has taken to railing against outsourcing, and in southern Europe, which bends over backwards to preserve overgenerous wages and restricted labour markets.
Germany is rightly proud of its ability to control costs and keep on exporting. But it also needs to recognise that its success has been won in part at the expense of its European neighbours. Germans like to believe that they made a huge sacrifice in giving up their beloved D-mark ten years ago, but they have in truth benefited more than anyone else from the euro. Almost half of Germany’s exports go to other euro-area countries that can no longer resort to devaluation to counter German competitiveness.
While Anglo-Saxons were throwing money around, Germans kept saving. Domestic investment has not kept pace. The result of Germans' prowess at exporting, combined with their reluctance to spend and invest, has been huge trade surpluses. Germany’s excess savings have been funnelled abroad—often into subprime assets in America and government bonds in such countries as Greece. It would be absurd to maintain that a prudent Germany is responsible for Greece’s profligacy or Spain’s property bubble (though a few heroic economists have argued this). But it is true that, within a single-currency zone, habitual surplus countries tend to be matched by habitual deficit ones.
Imbalances cannot be sustained for ever, whether they are deficits or surpluses. Yet surplus countries tend to see themselves as virtuous and deficit countries as venal- the implication being that the burden of adjustment should fall on the borrowers. Germany’s response to the troubles of Greece, Spain and other euro-area countries has followed just such a line. A bail-out for Greece, once taboo, is now being debated— and German ministers have even come out in favour of a putative European Monetary Fund. But the idea that Germany should itself seek to adjust, through lower saving and higher consumption and investment, still seems unacceptable to Angela Merkel’s government.
Germany’s impressive flexibility is the consequence of old virtues combined with new ones. The old consensus- building management system helped employers keep unions on side when costs needed to be held down. The famous Mittelstand (small and medium-sized firms, often family-owned) went through its operations, step by step, judging what to do in Germany, what to send abroad and what to outsource.
At the same time, economic policy took a new, liberalising, direction. The Schroder government introduced reforms to the labour market and welfare systems in 2003-04; spurred on by those, and by competitive pressures from Europe’s single currency, German business ruthlessly held down real wages. Unit labour costs fell by an annual average of 1.4% in 2000-08 in Germany, compared with a decline of 0.7% in America and rises of 0.8% and 0.9% in France and Britain respectively. Although last year’s recession hit Germany hard, its economy is in much better shape now than it was a decade ago—a point that should be noted in France, where President Nicolas Sarkozy has taken to railing against outsourcing, and in southern Europe, which bends over backwards to preserve overgenerous wages and restricted labour markets.
Germany is rightly proud of its ability to control costs and keep on exporting. But it also needs to recognise that its success has been won in part at the expense of its European neighbours. Germans like to believe that they made a huge sacrifice in giving up their beloved D-mark ten years ago, but they have in truth benefited more than anyone else from the euro. Almost half of Germany’s exports go to other euro-area countries that can no longer resort to devaluation to counter German competitiveness.
While Anglo-Saxons were throwing money around, Germans kept saving. Domestic investment has not kept pace. The result of Germans' prowess at exporting, combined with their reluctance to spend and invest, has been huge trade surpluses. Germany’s excess savings have been funnelled abroad—often into subprime assets in America and government bonds in such countries as Greece. It would be absurd to maintain that a prudent Germany is responsible for Greece’s profligacy or Spain’s property bubble (though a few heroic economists have argued this). But it is true that, within a single-currency zone, habitual surplus countries tend to be matched by habitual deficit ones.
Imbalances cannot be sustained for ever, whether they are deficits or surpluses. Yet surplus countries tend to see themselves as virtuous and deficit countries as venal- the implication being that the burden of adjustment should fall on the borrowers. Germany’s response to the troubles of Greece, Spain and other euro-area countries has followed just such a line. A bail-out for Greece, once taboo, is now being debated— and German ministers have even come out in favour of a putative European Monetary Fund. But the idea that Germany should itself seek to adjust, through lower saving and higher consumption and investment, still seems unacceptable to Angela Merkel’s government.
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